An Enduring Indigenous Tradition of Peacemaking Confronts the Realities of War
OROMIA, Ethiopia — The concept of peace holds a sacred place in Oromo culture. Known as Nagaa, peace is not merely the absence of conflict but a comprehensive state of wellbeing encompassing harmonious relationships between individuals, communities, and the natural world. When conflict occurs, the tradition of Araara (reconciliation) provides culturally embedded mechanisms for restoring balance and healing wounds.
Yet today, Oromia—Ethiopia’s largest and most populous regional state—finds itself engulfed in violence that has claimed thousands of lives, displaced millions, and left civilians caught between government forces and armed insurgents. This feature examines the trajectory of peace in Oromia across three temporal dimensions: the historical traditions that long sustained harmony, the present crisis of violence and suffering, and the future possibilities for restoring Nagaa to the Oromo homeland.
PART ONE: THE PAST — Two Centuries of Peace and Indigenous Governance
The Era of Nagaa Oromoo (1704-1882)
For approximately two centuries, from 1704 to 1882, the Oromo people experienced a remarkable period of relative peace that stands as a testament to the effectiveness of their indigenous institutions. Scholar Tsega Etefa, in his seminal work “Integration and Peace in East Africa: A History of the Oromo Nation,” documents this era as one in which the Oromo “promoted peace, cultural assimilation, and ethnic integration” across vast territories .
During this period, which Etefa describes as “the relatively peaceful two centuries in its history,” the Oromo developed sophisticated indigenous religious, commercial, and political institutions that governed interactions both within Oromo society and with neighboring peoples . The era witnessed flourishing commerce and communication networks that promoted the maturation of Oromo law and government, the integration of foreign ideas, and the assimilation into Oromo of various other cultures .
This was not peace through isolation but peace through engagement—a dynamic system that welcomed diverse peoples into the Oromo fold while maintaining social cohesion through shared values and governance structures.
The Gadaa System: Foundation of Oromo Peace
Central to this era of peace was the Gadaa system, the indigenous democratic governance tradition that has regulated Oromo social, political, and religious life for centuries. The system’s principles include balanced representation, regular leadership succession every eight years, and the participation of all grades of society in decision-making.
Within the Gadaa framework, conflict resolution mechanisms were deeply embedded. Elders (Hayyoota) played crucial roles in mediating disputes between individuals, clans, and communities. The process of reconciliation emphasized restoring relationships rather than merely punishing wrongdoers, with the goal of reintegrating all parties into the community fabric.
The Oromo concept of peace extends beyond human relationships to encompass harmony with the natural environment. Blessings invoked by elders call for “Nagaa” to prevail over “everything living and the environment”—a holistic vision that recognizes human wellbeing as inseparable from the health of the land .
The Gumi Balal: Traditional Peace Assembly
A key institution for maintaining peace was the Gumi Balal, a traditional assembly that brought together Oromo communities to address pressing issues and resolve conflicts. As recently as June 2025, the Oromia Supreme Court President Gazali Abasimel emphasized the importance of this tradition, noting that forums like Gumi Balal represent “one of the foundational pillars of the Geda system, reinforcing its role in conflict resolution through established traditional methods” .
The Gumi Balal traditionally served as a space where political and economic issues could be discussed openly, consensus could be built, and collective decisions could be made binding on all parties. This participatory approach to governance and conflict resolution stands in stark contrast to the top-down, often coercive methods imposed by subsequent imperial and state structures.
The Shattering: Menelik’s Conquest and Its Aftermath
This era of indigenous peace was violently interrupted in the late nineteenth century by the conquest and incorporation of Oromo lands into the Ethiopian empire under Emperor Menelik II. The military campaigns of the 1880s brought Oromia under imperial control through force, displacing indigenous governance structures and imposing a system of rule that marginalized Oromo political and cultural institutions.
As Etefa notes in his work, the peaceful two centuries concluded in 1882, after which Oromia entered a prolonged period of subjugation under first imperial, then military, and later party-state control . The neftegna system—named for the armed settlers who administered conquered territories—subjected Oromo communities to land expropriation, cultural suppression, and political marginalization that would persist in various forms through successive regimes.
The EPRDF Era: Ethnic Federalism and Contradictions
The fall of the Derg in 1991 brought the establishment of ethnic federalism under the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF). For the first time, Oromia was recognized as a regional state with constitutional status. Yet this formal recognition masked a deeper political reality.
According to analysis from the Centre Tricontinental, the EPRDF pursued a “strategy of divide and rule in which the Oromos and Amharas, the two largest ethnic groups in the country, are presented as eternal adversaries” . Oromos were “blamed as secessionists to justify the continued monitoring, control, and policing of Oromo intellectuals, politicians, artists and activists” .
This narrative strategy allowed “the ruling Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front and Tigrayan elites to present themselves as the only political movement in the country that could provide the stability and continuity sought by regional and global powers” . The result was a quarter-century of rule in which Oromo political expression was systematically suppressed, even as the constitutional framework nominally guaranteed ethnic rights.
PART TWO: THE PRESENT — War, Displacement, and Suffering
The 2014-2016 Protests: A People’s Awakening
The contemporary crisis in Oromia has its immediate roots in protests that began in April 2014 against what Oromos perceived as “systematic marginalization and persecution” . The immediate trigger was a development plan “that sought to expand the territorial limits of Ethiopia’s capital, Addis Ababa, into neighbouring Oromo villages and towns” . Oromos saw the proposed master plan as “a blueprint for annexation which would further accelerate the eviction of Oromo farmers from their ancestral lands” .
When protests resumed in November 2015, the government “dismissed the protestors as anti-peace elements and accused them of acting in unison with terrorist groups — a common tactic used by the government to crackdown on dissent and opposition” . Security forces used “overwhelming force to crush the protest, killing hundreds of protestors and arresting thousands” .
Human Rights Watch, in its report “Such a Brutal Crack Down,” criticized “the ‘excessive and lethal force’ used by security forces against ‘largely peaceful protestors’” and placed the death toll at over 400 . Activist groups reported considerably higher figures.
The OLA Insurgency and Government Counterinsurgency
Since 2018, the conflict has evolved into an ongoing armed struggle between government forces and the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA), a breakaway faction of the Oromo Liberation Front. The OLA, led by rebel commander Jaal Marroo from forest outposts in Oromia, claims it is “fighting to correct a system that treats the Oromo as subjects, rather than citizens” and aims to “establish a democratic, inclusive political order based on the will of the people” .
The government has designated the OLA as a terrorist group, accusing it of massacring civilians in ethnically motivated attacks . However, United Nations investigators and human rights organizations have documented serious abuses by both sides.
Sarah Kimani, a regional spokesperson for Amnesty International, told the Associated Press that research “puts both the OLA and the government forces in the middle of the conflict in terms of summary executions, in terms of torture, in terms of abductions, in terms of rape of women” . Government forces have employed “indiscriminate drone strikes, extrajudicial killings and disappearances” as hallmarks of their counterinsurgency campaign .
The Human Toll: Civilians Caught in the Middle
The human cost of the ongoing conflict is staggering. Civilians describe being trapped between the two sides, suffering from both.
Ayantu Bulcha’s father and uncle were killed by soldiers outside their home in early December after being accused of fighting with the OLA. “My frail mother is left alone in an empty house, grieving. I can’t even go there to grieve with her. I am afraid for my own safety,” she told the Associated Press .
Lensa Hordofa, a civil servant from Oromia’s Shewa region, described how her family faces constant harassment and extortion from armed men, including demands for food and supplies. Her uncle was recently detained and released only after paying a 100,000 birr ($650) ransom. “Movement from place to place has become increasingly restricted,” she said. “It’s almost impossible to travel” .
Tulu Getachew, a coffee farmer from Wollega, has been unable to return home for three years. After hiring workers to collect his beans, the harvest was stolen by armed men. His explanation captures the impossible position of civilians: “One party hurts you because they say you belong to the other. You suffer because they say your family member is affiliated with the government or OLA” .
Humanitarian Catastrophe
The humanitarian situation has deteriorated dramatically. In January 2025, the UN reported that 3.2 million children were out of school because of fighting in Oromia . In Wollega district, aid groups struggle to distribute supplies, contributing to high malnutrition.
Hospitals and clinics have come under attack. In 2023, the International Committee of the Red Cross reported that “nearly all” of 42 health posts in Oromia’s Begi district had been looted or damaged .
The Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), in a July 2024 statement, described the conflict between government forces and the OLA as pervasive across all 22 zones of Oromia, marked by “arrests, beatings, displacement, mass burning of civilian houses, killing of cattle, civilians burned alive, and other egregious killings” .
Beyond the Insurgency: Criminal Enterprises
The crisis extends beyond the political insurgency. “Oromia is very insecure, not simply because of the OLA but because of other groups operating as criminal enterprises, engaging in extortion, kidnapping and robberies,” said Magnus Taylor, Horn of Africa director at the International Crisis Group .
Armed banditry has become prevalent, and kidnapping has emerged as a particular issue. It is not always clear who is responsible for the abductions, further complicating efforts to address the security situation.
PART THREE: THE FUTURE — Pathways to Peace
Traditional Justice as a Foundation
Despite the ongoing violence, efforts are underway to revitalize Oromo traditional justice mechanisms as pathways to peace. The 43rd Gumi Balal forum, convened in June 2025, addressed “the urgent need for collective justice and the reinforcement of the state’s traditional justice system” .
Organized by the Oromia President’s Office in collaboration with the Oromia Communication Bureau, the forum represents “a vital initiative in Oromia’s ongoing quest for sustainable peace” . Oromia Supreme Court President Gazali Abasimel emphasized “the importance of integrating legal and traditional justice systems,” stating: “Today, we focus on how legal and traditional justice systems can work hand in glove to ensure lasting peace” .
The forum highlighted the necessity of restoring Oromia’s original moral values, “which are deeply embedded in the Geda system—a traditional framework that has historically governed community interactions and conflict resolution” .
Significantly, participant Zinash Olani emphasized that the traditional court system “must be inclusive of all nations, nationalities, and peoples of Ethiopia.” She noted that “non-Oromos should also benefit from this system, illustrating the inclusivity of the Geda framework for everyone living in Ethiopia” . This vision of traditional justice as a resource for all Ethiopians, not merely Oromos, offers a potential foundation for broader reconciliation.
Political Initiatives: The Call for Transitional Government
In February 2025, the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) and Oromo Federalist Congress (OFC), along with civil society organizations, announced an agreement to work toward establishing a “Transitional National Unity Government of Oromia” to address the region’s worsening political and security crises .
Following a four-day conference in Addis Ababa, the groups stated that their goal is to “ensure democratic governance, self-determination, and expanded public services until a permanent system is established through a popular mandate” .
The joint statement affirmed that “the full restoration of the Oromo people’s freedom and rights is essential for lasting peace” and pledged to use “all available means to ensure peace is restored and maintained in Oromia” .
The proposal included integrating the Oromo Liberation Army (OLA) into a formal security structure under the transitional administration’s authority, with the OLA responsible for “maintaining the peace, security, and boundaries of Oromia” following an inclusive political negotiation process .
The statement warned that Oromo forces “will not disarm our vigilance” while engaging in negotiations. “Every commitment must be tested against tangible outcomes within defined timelines. Empty promises will no longer suffice,” they declared .
Addressing Territorial Grievances
A central issue for any future peace is the status of Oromo territories, including the capital. The joint statement reaffirmed that “Finfinnee’s status as the rightful capital of Oromia” must be recognized and pledged to “legally reclaim all encroached territories through diplomatic and legal channels” .
This territorial dimension of the conflict—rooted in historical land expropriation and continuing disputes over Addis Ababa’s expansion—must be addressed for any peace agreement to be sustainable.
The Challenge of Inclusion
The statement urged “all genuine Oromo forces, regardless of their method of struggle, to resolve their political differences and galvanize their unity in rallying behind this initiative to save the nation” . It also called on the federal and Oromia regional governments to “engage sincerely with these resolutions, as their success is in the best interest of all Ethiopians and the Horn of Africa” .
The OFC, in its July 2024 statement, had previously called for an inclusive national dialogue and a cessation of hostilities, describing a “crisis worse than ever before” and a widespread “commonality of war” . This recognition that war has become a common experience across communities—that all Ethiopians suffer from the ongoing violence—may provide a foundation for building peace across ethnic lines.
The Role of Customary Courts
The Oromia regional state has established over 7,376 customary courts, which since 2023 have handled over 1,133,374 cases . These courts, rooted in indigenous systems that predate the formal judiciary, offer accessible, affordable, and culturally legitimate justice for millions.
However, the system faces significant challenges. Assessments show “persistent human rights violations, gender-based exclusion and political interference” . Female elders are often unwelcome. Local administrators interfere in proceedings. And many courts handle matters that should go through the formal justice system.
Crucially, the oversight mechanisms envisioned in law have not been established. Customary Courts Administration Councils, designed to monitor compliance and organize capacity building, remain unrealized. As a result, “the entire customary justice system is currently unwatched, with limited accountability and no structured channel for community feedback or rights protection” .
For the future of peace in Oromia, ensuring these courts operate in accordance with constitutional and international standards—providing justice while preventing discrimination—represents both an opportunity and a challenge.
International Dimensions
The international community has signaled interest in Ethiopia’s stability, though its role has been complicated by security partnerships. As the Centre Tricontinental analysis notes, the United States has viewed “the Ethiopian government as a critical partner on the Global War on Terror,” leading administration officials to “create fantasy stories which cast Ethiopia as democratic and its leaders as progressive” .
This has included praise for elections that international observers did not deem free and fair, and support for a government that human rights organizations have documented as operating “a police state whose apparatus of surveillance and control permeates the entire society down to household levels” .
For future peace to be sustainable, international actors may need to adopt more consistent pressure for human rights and accountability, rather than prioritizing security partnerships at the expense of civilian protection.
The Vision: Nagaa Oromoo Restored
What would peace look like in Oromia? The vision embedded in Oromo tradition offers guidance: a comprehensive peace that encompasses not merely the absence of war but the presence of justice, the flourishing of relationships, and harmony between people and land.
This would require:
- Ending the armed conflict through inclusive political negotiations that address root causes
- Accountability for abuses committed by all sides, recognizing that lasting peace requires justice
- Revitalizing traditional institutions like Gumi Balal and customary courts while ensuring they operate without discrimination
- Addressing territorial grievances including the status of Finfinne and other disputed areas
- Ensuring democratic governance that allows Oromos genuine self-determination within a reformed Ethiopian state
- Healing the wounds of displacement, loss, and trauma through comprehensive reconciliation processes
Conclusion: Between Memory and Hope
The story of peace in Oromia is a story of loss and resilience. For two centuries, indigenous institutions maintained remarkable harmony across vast territories, welcoming diverse peoples and integrating them into a shared social fabric. That peace was shattered by conquest, and successive regimes have imposed systems of rule that marginalized Oromo governance and suppressed Oromo identity.
Yet the traditions endure. The Gadaa system, though disrupted, continues to shape Oromo values and aspirations. The concept of Nagaa remains central to how Oromos understand wellbeing. The Gumi Balal still convenes, seeking to adapt ancient practices to contemporary crises. Customary courts dispense justice to millions, even as they struggle with rights violations and political interference.
The present is dark. Civilians die, children cannot attend school, families are torn apart, and farmers cannot tend their fields. But the future is not yet written. Political initiatives from Oromo opposition parties, efforts to revitalize traditional justice, and the enduring desire of ordinary people for peace all point toward possibility.
As one victim of the conflict observed, caught between government and rebels: “You suffer because they say your family member is affiliated with the government or OLA” . This suffering transcends political divisions. It is a shared experience that could, if recognized and addressed, become a foundation for reconciliation.
The Oromo concept of peace has never been naive about conflict. It recognizes that disputes will arise, that harm will be done. But it insists that reconciliation is possible—that through the wisdom of elders, the participation of community, and the commitment to restore relationships, harmony can be rebuilt.
Whether contemporary Oromia can draw on this deep well of tradition to navigate its present crisis remains to be seen. But the tradition itself endures—a resource waiting to be claimed, a memory of peace that can inspire its future restoration.
Nagaa Oromoo—may peace return to Oromia.
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